JAKARTA -- The bus stop was empty. No protesters, no police. Then a man in a helmet and mask struck a stick alight and tossed it into the structure. He ran to a waiting motorcycle, where another similarly dressed man sat, and they sped off into the night.

The grainy, shaky video, reportedly filmed on Aug 29, is one of many clips of similar actions circulating after last week’s deadly protest s in Indonesia over lawmakers’ perks – which intensified after

the death of 21-year-old ride-hailing motorbike rider Affan Kurniawan,

who was struck by a police tactical vehicle at a protest in Jakarta on the night of Aug 28.

At least 10 people have died, and infrastructure damage in Jakarta alone amounted to 80 billion rupiah (S$6.22 million), according to the authorities .

For many Indonesians, the footage confirmed a familiar fear: shadowy provocateurs strike after demonstrators leave, stoking violence. Suspicion has become almost ritual. After every major protest, attention shifts from grievances to the invisible hands allegedly fanning the flames.

The warnings often come from the highest office. In a video message on Aug 29, President Prabowo Subianto hinted at “elements who always want unrest and chaos”, urging vigilance.

On Aug 31, he still had not named names. “We must be alert to the interference of groups who do not want Indonesia to prosper, who do not want Indonesia to rise,” he said, adding there were signs of unlawful actions, “some of which could lead towards subversion and terrorism”.

“We are always... pitted against each other, let us not allow ourselves to continue being divided,” he added.

By Sept 1, following a hospital visit to injured police personnel, Mr Prabowo made his strongest statement yet,

calling the acts of violence “treason”.

He warned that the authorities would act decisively, saying: “I will face the mafias, no matter how strong they are… I will not retreat a single step.”

Students and children ‘mobilised’

Rage at a government seen as out of touch with people’s hardships remains at the heart of the protests. At the same time, speculation is rising over who might be amplifying the unrest.

Provocateurs may be a small minority in Indonesia’s protests, but their impact is outsized , turning otherwise peaceful rallies into scenes of vandalism and clashes . Their actions give the government reason to crack down and allow political elites to spin events to their advantage, while ordinary protesters risk having their voices drowned out, observers say.

Protesters carry items to be burned outside the regional parliament building in Bandung, West Java province, on Sept 1.

PHOTO: REUTERS

About half of those detained so far appear to be young protesters who have veered into illegal actions. In one clip, a teenager in a hoodie and slippers was seen being interrogated by a crowd for carrying Molotov cocktails in his backpack.

Of the 1,240 people held in front of the House of Representatives between Aug 25 and Aug 31, 629 were minors under 18, said Jakarta police. All but around 100 have since been released.

While it is possible that these young protesters’ anger went awry in the heat of the moment, Jakarta police spokesman Senior Commissioner Ade Ary Syam Indradi noted how some peaceful rallies had turned violent only after provocateurs slipped in.

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“The unrest was first detected through social media accounts inciting anarchy, including live broadcasts, which lured students and minors to the parliament building. These led to rioting, vandalism, arson of public facilities and vehicles, as well as looting in several parts of Jakarta,” he said.

“The protesters were not expressing their opinions, but rather committing anarchic acts. There are even indications that students and children were mobilised. This is a serious concern for us,” he told reporters recently.

As the anti-government unrest gained momentum, fuelled by cost-of-living woes and public frustration with the political elite, buildings were torched and politicians’ houses looted as well.

In an update on Sept 2, police confirmed they had arrested six suspects accused of inciting violent protests through social media. The alleged offences are believed to have taken place since Aug 25 at several locations, including in front of the parliament building.

According to police, the suspects allegedly collaborated and played different roles through their Instagram accounts. A man identified only by his initials as DMR, reportedly linked to a legal and human rights group, was accused of making provocative calls for unrest. Others were suspected of spreading calls for vandalism and destruction, posting Molotov cocktail tutorials, and livestreaming protests on platforms such as TikTok to rally more participants.

“The livestreams were widely shared or reposted, reaching up to 10 million viewers. This is what drew children to the events. Why children? Because TikTok are predominantly used by minors,” Mr Ade said.

While investigations are ongoing, police have revealed some details. At least 202 minors were drawn into clashes outside the parliament and across Jakarta between Aug 25 and 31, influenced by social media posts carrying captions such as “Do not be afraid” , “Fight together”, and “The police are useless”. Some participants were armed with improvised weapons, including arrows and bottles intended for use against officers, while a karambit knife was also seized. Other minors were reportedly promised payments by the suspects, ranging from 62,500 rupiah to 200,000 rupiah, to take part.

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Unseen hands

So who could be pulling strings behind the scene? Were they rogue security forces, rival politicians, or businessmen bearing grudges? In Indonesia, every plot spawns a dozen more, each more shadowy than the last.

Suspicions ranged from a fugitive tycoon to prominent politicians and even foreign-funded groups, yet none have been substantiated. Former intelligence chief Hendropriyono claimed a foreign figure orchestrated the protests, using locals unaware they were being manipulated. He did not name the parties but said they aimed to destabilise Indonesia’s democracy.

Experts approached by The Straits Times offered cautious guesses, emphasising that their theories were purely speculative.

Mr Agung Baskoro, executive director of political research group Trias Politika Strategis, told ST: “If they are businessmen, the motive could be a policy that has harmed their industry. If it is the authorities, it could stem from factional rivalries that often exist within them. For politicians, it may be because their demands have not been met.”

He expressed disappointment at the latest developments, saying the provocateurs were taking advantage of groups such as students and online ride-hailing riders with sincere intentions.

“Law enforcement must gather evidence and witness testimony to uncover the truth,” he added.

Plainclothes police officers disperse protesters in front of the Bekasi Metro Police headquarters in Bekasi, West Java on Sept 1.

PHOTO: AFP

Authorities cite foreign influence and provocateurs as being behind the escalating violence, but critics say the warnings may be a tactic to scare and delegitimise the protests.

Military’s denial

At least one institution moved to quash the swirling rumours. The Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) has issued a clear denial.

“I need to emphasise that there were no TNI members arrested by the police or acting as provocateurs. That is an evil, false, and misleading narrative,” TNI Information Centre head Brigadier General Freddy Ardianzah said in a statement on Aug 31, local media reported.

The denial came after Indonesia’s National Police Commission (Kompolnas) urged both the TNI and the police to investigate and publicly clarify allegations that plainclothes soldiers had incited unrest. Kompolnas is an independent body that monitors and supervises the national police force.

On that same day, videos and photos circulated showing mobile brigade (Brimob) police arresting an alleged provocateur suspected of attempting to blow up a petrol station near the National Police headquarters. The man carried a TNI identity card stating he served in the Strategic Intelligence Agency. An army private was reportedly arrested separately.

Demonstrators – students and workers alike -– have also sought to distance themselves from the violence, stressing that their protests are peaceful. Some openly denounced the agitators, saying they delegitimise protests by turning them violent.

Mr Muzammil Ihsan, head of Indonesia’s largest student union, the All-Indonesia Association of University Student Executive Bodies, said in a Sept 2 statement that some protest events had to be cancelled.

“Several actions have been postponed, not without reason. This is a serious consideration, because we want to ensure the movement remains pure, without being ridden by irresponsible interests or groups,” he said.

Continued distrust of the police

The unrest in South-east Asia’s largest economy unfolds against a backdrop of entrenched public scepticism. In Indonesia, many citizens doubt official and police accounts, instead placing their faith in conspiracy theories circulating online and in everyday conversation.

These anxieties are deeply rooted in history. From the May 1998 riots that toppled Suharto to the 2019 student protests against changes to the anti-corruption commission, rumours of hidden forces stirring unrest have shadowed nearly every major movement.

In recent years, public trust in the police has shown little sign of recovery.

Political analyst Arif Susanto at Jakarta-based think-tank Exposit Research and Strategic Advisory told ST: “Throughout the 10 years of former President Joko Widodo’s term, the police were often used as a political tool, which has caused public trust to drop. I hope President Prabowo does not continue that tradition. Many people simply do not trust the police.”

In December 2024, National Police Chief General Listyo Sigit Prabowo acknowledged the low level of public confidence in the police in the year-end report for 2024. Negative sentiment followed high-profile incidents, including extortion cases and fatal shootings involving officers.

Events in 2025 have not helped dispel the distrust. On Sept 2, Indonesian police again used heavy-handed tactics, firing tear gas and rubber bullets at demonstrators near universities in Bandung, West Java -– the first time force was used on or near campuses during these protests.

Students described the attacks as “brutal”, saying that campuses were no longer safe. The incidents highlight a persistent pattern of police brutality in Indonesia, drawing criticism from both the national human rights body and international organisations, including the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

In response to the OHCHR , the government said in a statement on Sept 3 that it “regrets the occurrence of casualties as well as damage to public facilities, vandalism, arson, and looting that arose during demonstrations.” “Law enforcement officers carry out their duties based on human rights principles and standards. Measures taken are aimed at maintaining public order, protecting civilians, and securing public facilities in a proportional manner,” it added.

Movement beyond borders

In Indonesia, a lack of transparency has allowed accusations and denials to dominate public discourse, often eclipsing issues that drive people to the streets.

The protests, far from uniform, centre on shared grievances: corruption, inequality, and entrenched elite privilege. Students, civil society groups, workers, gig-economy drivers, and Indonesians living overseas have all joined the movement, demanding meaningful change.

Students are pushing for systemic political reforms to make the government more accountable and responsive. Workers call for economic justice, including higher minimum wages, stronger labour protections, and an end to outsourcing and mass layoffs. 

Ride-hailing and delivery riders seek legal recognition, fair compensation, better working conditions, and lower platform fees. “Who enjoys protesting? I would much rather be working. But if no one is protecting my rights, I have to fight for myself,” said ride-hailing driver Hasan , who like many Indonesians goes by one name .

Meanwhile, Indonesians abroad have amplified the protests online, lashing out at lawmakers’ hefty perks, including the 50 million-rupiah housing allowance.

One of the loudest voices is Ms Salsa Erwina, an Indonesian influencer based in Denmark, who also slammed the 2025 state budget allocation of 9.96 trillion rupiah for parliament. She said in an Instagram video: “What have they achieved so far? How much have they succeeded in improving people’s welfare? How many have they lifted out of poverty?”

While grievances are real, a small number of provocateurs and vested interests are hijacking the protests, turning public anger into chaos and risking the silencing the voices of ordinary Indonesians.

Kompolnas commissioner Choirul Anam noted that those at the grassroots level are also involved in weeding out the elements inciting violence.

“We are monitoring and looking into this. Protesters, residents also nabbed these provocateurs, not only the police,” he said.

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